Friday, May 25, 2018

Have Bolton and Pence Killed US-North Korea Peace? Tim Shorrock

Red Salute to Chinese Comrades who came to Hong Kong to Mark Cultural Revolution



Study and Learn : May 16th 1966 Remembered : Celebrating 52 Years of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution


Democracy and Class Struggle has published a series of articles on the 52th anniversary of the Cultural Revolution largely in the form of personal testimonies that challenge the dominant Western Narrative of the Cultural Revolution.

Democracy and Class Struggle has already noticed the bourgeois media horror stories about the Cultural Revolution appearing in the Liberal Guardian Newspaper as well as the Wall Street Journal and the BBC.



The Western Media  and Russian and Chinese Media promote a bourgeois elitist narrative of the Cultural Revolution but we challenge this narrative with testimonies of Chinese workers and peasants who lived through the cultural revolution - and provide a different proletarian worldview  of those momentous events.


STUDY AND LEARN

May 16th 1966 Statement

http://democracyandclasstruggle.blogspot.co.uk/2016/05/may-16th-celebrate-50-years-of-great.html

Mobo Gao on Cultural Revolution

http://democracyandclasstruggle.blogspot.co.uk/2016/05/the-cultural-revolution-by-mobo-gao-may.html

Bai Di interview

http://democracyandclasstruggle.blogspot.co.uk/2016/05/growing-up-in-revolutionary-china-bai.html

Wang Zheng Interview

http://democracyandclasstruggle.blogspot.co.uk/2016/05/wang-zheng-we-had-dream-that-world-can.html


Dongpin Han

http://democracyandclasstruggle.blogspot.co.uk/2016/05/the-great-proletarian-cultural_15.html



 NEW STAGE OF SOCIALIST REVOLUTION


JOSE MARIA SISON ON HISTORIC IMPORTANCE OF CULTURAL REVOLUTION


HARSH THAKOR ON CULTURAL REVOLUTION



CULTURAL REVOLUTION FILM

BREAKING WITH OLD IDEAS


Christine Ahn and Tim Shorrock on Cancellation of North Korean US Summit



SEE ALSO: https://talkingpointsmemo.com/livewire/rift-pompeo-bolton-heart-north-korean-summit-cancel

North Korean Statement on blasting nuclear test site



Democracy and Class Struggle says this action of good faith on the part of the DPRK was met within hours by a letter cancelling the North Korean US Summit by President Trump.




Thursday, May 24, 2018

Trump;s decision to cancel summit with North Korea gave no face to South Korea - Moon Jae In is very perplexed



Donald Trump for all his praise of Moon Jae In when he was in  Washington did not inform him of his decsion to cancel summit - another world leader has got the message you cannot trust Trump the architect of a new world disorder..

South Korean President Moon Jae-in says he’s “very perplexed” that the U.S.-North Korea summit won’t go ahead as planned.

Yonhap news agency cited Moon as urging direct talks between President Donald Trump and North Korea’s Kim Jong Un.

Moon was speaking at an emergency meeting of his top security officials in Seoul after Trump announced he was canceling the summit because of North Korean “hostility.”

Moon was quoted as saying: “I am very perplexed and it is very regrettable that the North Korea-U.S. summit will not be held on June 12.”

He said, “Denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula and the establishment of permanent peace are historic tasks that can neither be abandoned nor delayed.”

Moon met Trump in Washington on Tuesday, but appeared caught unawares by the president’s decision Thursday.

India: Naxalbari Day 25th May 1967 till forever



Most dangerous is that watch
Which runs on your wrist
But stands still for your eyes.
Most dangerous is that eye
Which sees all but remains frostlike,
Most dangerous is the moon
Which rises in the numb yard
After each murder,
But does not pierce your eyes like hot chilies. '

Paash, A Naxalite Poet

During the summer holidays in Gwalior, we all went to my grandmother home in Shibpur in Howrah to escape the extreme heat of Madhya Pradesh. During one such visit, we found the walls of her house and adjoining houses plastered in red with slogans, 'Naxalbari Laal Saalam'. As a young boy unaware of the politics of that time in Bengal, I had frequently asked my father and uncles about the slogans and graffiti which they always declined to explain.

Nobody had the courage to whitewash those walls. Many years later, North East India became my favorite tramping grounds and driving long distances through little hamlets on my way to Bhutan or Along was more frequent. Visiting Naxalbari became a reality during that time. But the explosive ingredients had long fizzled off and Naxalbari I found to my great disappointment just a small village like any other village in the Darjeeling district. The ghosts of Naxalbari could not be suppressed and curiosity brings thousands of people like me just to feel the soil or try to find a tiny ember of a revolution within the tea plantations and villages of that area. The Mechi River lies close to it and across it lies Nepal. Farm lands, tea estates and forests dot this fertile geographical part of Darjeeling district. The large villages in the region are Buraganj, Hatighisha, Phansidewa and Naxalbari. It all started in May 23 1967. The landless and poor peasants of Jharugaon village raised their bow and arrows.

The attacking police hordes were met with a shower of arrows, spears, stones. An inspector was killed, the rest fled. The Naxalbari armed struggle that was to become a historic turning point in Indian politics, had begun. At the entrance to Naxalbari, a Kargil martyr's statue stands. The statue looks out of place in the village of Naxalbari. The sculptor sold it to government who thought of it erecting it there just to divert the mind from a history that is part of this place.

A dusty path leads to the settlement of 30,000-odd people sharing borders with Nepal and Bangladesh. There is no development here, the highways are pock marked and the peasants look poorer. The illegal immigrants from Bangladesh and Nepal do not know anything about this movement nor do they care to do so. The main occupation seems to be smuggling of essential goods through Nepal and Bangladesh borders.

A lone unkempt statue of Comrade Charu Mazumdar stands. The children of the village don't know anything about him.



Asian Dub Foundation

Naxalite


Album: Rafi's Revenge

Brothers and sisters of the soul unite
We are one indivisible and strong
They may try to break us but they dare not under estimate us
They know our memories are long
A mass of sleeping villages
That's how they're pitching it
At least that's what they try to pretend
But check out our history
So rich and revolutionary
A prophecy that we will rise again
That we will rise again...

Again and again until the land is ours
Again and again until we have taken the power
Again and again until the land is ours
Again and again until we have taken the power

Deep in the forest
High up in the mountains
To the future we will take an oath
Like springing tigers we encircle the cities
Our home is the undergrowth
Because I am just a naxalite warrior
Fighting for survival and equality
Police man beating up me, my brother and my father
My mother crying can't believe this reality
And we will rise again
And we will rise again...

Again and again until the land is ours
Again and again until we have taken the power
Again and again until the land is ours
Again and again until we have taken the power

Jump into the future dub zone

Roots rockers

And we have taken the power
And the land is ours
And we have taken the power
And the land is ours
And we have taken the power
And the land is ours
And we have taken the power
And the land is ours
It's ours

Because I am just a naxalite warrior
Fighting for survival and equality
Police man beating up me, my brother and my father
My mother crying can't believe this reality

Iron like a Lion from Zion
This one going all the youth, man and woman
Orginal Master D upon the microphone stand
Cater for no skeptical man- me no give a damn

'Cos me a naxalite warrior

Patriots, Traitors and Empires: The Story of Korea’s Struggle for Freedom, by Stephen Gowans




Patriots, Traitors and Empires: The Story of Korea’s Struggle for Freedom, by Stephen Gowans. Montreal: Baraka Books, 2018. Paper, $24.95, pp 270

The following is a review of Gowans’ book by Gregory Elich

The release of Stephen Gowans’s superb new book could not be better timed. With the Korean Peninsula on the potential brink of major change, looking to Western mainstream media for reasoned analysis is a fool’s errand. 

Gowans provides a valuable service in filling that gap by situating Korea in its historical context, while making no compromise with received opinion or resorting to lazy formulations.

A key to understanding Korea is its experience under harsh colonial rule by the Japanese Empire from 1910 through the end of the Second World War. As was the case elsewhere, some of those under oppression chose to serve power, and others resisted. While Imperial Japan shipped off Koreans as forced laborers throughout its empire and cast women into sexual slavery, a determined resistance movement arose, particularly in Manchuria, where future North Korean leader Kim Il-sung was a prominent guerrilla leader. Many of those who would later fill the ranks of the South Korean government chose a different path, and actively collaborated with the Japanese occupiers.

After the end of the Second World War, the U.S. divided the Korean Peninsula along the 38th Parallel, an act that Gowans points out the Korean people had not asked for. Liberation from Japanese rule, Koreans felt, meant that the country was once again theirs. People’s committees spontaneously sprang up throughout the peninsula, as newly freed Koreans sought to forge their destiny.

The Soviet presence in the north was mostly hands-off, allowing events to unfold unhindered.

It was a different story in the south. U.S. General John R. Hodge, as military governor of South Korea, along with his advisers “drew up a four-point plan to destroy the movement for independence.” 

The plan called for building up an army and police force to be largely staffed at upper levels by those who had collaborated with Japanese imperialism.

Gowans quotes U.S. military sources as describing the Korean police force under Japanese colonial rule as “thoroughly Japanized and efficiently utilized as an instrument of tyranny,” which made these men a natural choice for U.S. occupation authorities to perform the same role in establishing an anti-communist police state.

People’s committees were systematically crushed, as tens of thousands of leftists were killed or rounded up and imprisoned. For Koreans in the south, one colonial master had simply been exchanged for another, as it was the U.S. that called the shots.

Traitors who had served the Japanese now took orders from the Americans. “By 1950,” Gowans writes, “between 100,000 and 200,000 Korean patriots had been killed by U.S. occupation forces and their Korean subalterns.”

The division of the Korean Peninsula was intended to last no longer than a relatively brief interregnum, but discussions between the U.S. and the Soviet Union on establishing a provisional government went nowhere.

Soon the U.S. abandoned any pretense of respecting the agreement on postwar Korea. “An ongoing U.S. presence on the Korean Peninsula,” Gowans observes, “offered too many attractions to Washington to leave Korea to Koreans.”

The U.S. proceeded to build a separate government by launching an election process in its occupation zone that was boycotted by a majority. 

Nevertheless, the U.S. pushed ahead. “Koreans, after all, weren’t the object of the exercise,” Gowans reports. “The building of a global U.S. empire was.” Voting in the south was organized by a police force that was dominated by former Japanese collaborators, along with right-wing thugs.

Under the circumstances, the outcome was preordained.

The Soviet Union withdrew its forces on schedule from North Korea in 1948. Decades later, the U.S. military remains firmly ensconced in South Korea, and showing no inclination of ever leaving.

The division of the Korean Peninsula, which most Koreans opposed and few recognized, laid the groundwork for the Korean War. For Koreans, the war was a brutal nightmare made far worse by the U.S. program of total destruction and the aim of annihilating North Korea along with a significant percentage of its population.

South Korea endured long decades under right-wing dictatorship. Gowans is eloquent in describing the harsh realities of life under repression, and this section is one of the book’s many strengths. 

Through continual struggle, the South Korean people eventually managed to throw off the shackles of dictatorship, yet in many ways, the nation remains subservient to the U.S. That liberation remains to be won.

For more than a century the history of Korea has been a contest between people’s needs and the demands of the powerful. Gowans places Korea in the context of the global struggle for liberation from imperialist domination, a perspective that sheds much light on developments in recent decades.

The analytical framework and information provided by Gowans reveal the basis for U.S.-North Korean animosity and depict a far more complex picture of U.S.-South Korean relations than we customarily encounter. 

It is fair to say that if all one knows about Korea before coming to this book is from mainstream news, then the reader will come away with a far deeper understanding and appreciation of Korea’s fight for independence and self-determination.

Stephen Gowans is not a writer to mince words or to defer to mainstream distortions. He makes no concessions to the standard self-serving Western narrative, and this is one of the reasons his work is so consistently refreshing. Gowans is also noted for his careful research and masterly knack for deploying information in support of logical analysis. Patriots, Traitors and Empires is no different in those respects.

His book is an impassioned call for justice, imbued with a deeply felt sympathy for the Korean people and their struggle for freedom.

Patriots, Traitors and Empires can be ordered from Baraka Books:
http://www.barakabooks.com/catalogue/patriots-traitors-and-empires/

South Korea pays over US$ 3.1.billion for annual cost of U.S. troops -



Democracy and Class Struggle says paying those who divide your country billions of dollars is a racket that Major General Smedley Butler would recognize.


Reality Check: I've studied nuclear war for 35 years -- you should be worried !

Trump cancels the Summit with North Korea : North Korea wants negotiations not submission - the deal maker cannot deal !



Democracy and Class Struggle would like there to have seen a successful summit in Singapore but with Bolton and Pence opening their mouths and active sabotage of Moon Jae In's push for Peace on the Korean Peninsula in Washington and the appointment of Harry B Harris as US Ambassador to South Korea - the omens were not good.

Next time Trump talks about negotiations it should be that and not threats via Bolton and Pence.

We also note this letter was sent by President Trump a few hours after North Korea in a act of good faith destroyed its nuclear test facilities.

India: Why are people in Tuticorin protesting against Vedanta's Sterlite copper plant ?





India: Pre Planned Massacre in Tutucorin (Thoothukudi) - Tamil Nadu By Harsh Thakor


Democracy and Class Struggle says OUTRAGE is not enough ACTION to bring down the architects of this WAR ON THE PEOPLE OF INDIA is long overdue.

MASSACRE  IN TUTUCORIN SYMBOLIC OF THE FANGS OF THE STATE THAT BANG EVERY TOOTH AND NAIL TO SUPPRESS EVEN THE MOST PEACEFUL PROTESTS OF THE PEOPLE TO FIGHT FOR THEIR RIGHTS.

THE PROTESTS MUSTY BE PART OF A MOVEMENT TO FIGHT FASCISM AS A WHOLE.THE PROTESTS MUST ENGULF EVERY NOOK AND CORNER OF THE NATION LIKE A TIDAL WAVE EXTINGUISHING A FIRE.

THE LIGHT OF JUSTICE SHOULD SHIMMER ALL OVER WITH THE EFFECT OF A SWORD PIERCING THROUGH FLESH SYMBOLIZING THE WRATH OF THE PEOPLE AGAINST THIS GRAVE INJUSTICE PERPETRATED.

CONDEMN THIS FASCIST GENOCIDE BY THE STATE IN TAMIL NADU .THERE COULD BE NO MORE PROOF THAT MORALLY THE STATE IS FASCIST AND TRAMPLES UPON THE ANY PROTEST TO PROTECT PEOPLES LIVELIHOOD TO BLESS THE ANTI-PEOPLE CORPORATES.

MAY THE NAMES OF THE PEOPLE SHOT BE PERMANENTLY WRITTEN IN RED BLOOD SYMBOLIZING THE WRATH AGAINST  FASCISM AND THE INEXTINGUISHABLE SPIRIT OF THE OPPRESSED TO EXTINGUISH IT.

PROTESTS SHOULD SPREAD LIKE WILDFIRE ENGULFING EVERY NOOK AND CORNER OF THE NATION 

War on people extended to Tamil Nadu!

For the Loot of Vedanta at least 18 people killed ( 11 officially confirmed )in police firing at Tutucurine (Thoothukudi)) in a protest rally against Vedanta Sterlite plant!

The district is sealed...

Raise your voice for Thoothukudi's
heroic people!

Down with the repression! 


The tremor in his voice is evident as Godwin Jose begins to recount the horror of police firing in the protest rally against Sterlite on May 22. The 23-year-old from Sorispuram in Thoothukudi was among the tens of thousands of people who had gathered to take out the rally which ended with bloody violence leaving at 11 dead and several injured.

“The police opened fire when we tried to enter the Collectorate. So, we stepped away and sat somewhere outside. That was when there was a lathicharge too. Fearing lathicharge, we entered the Collectorate again, and there was shooting again,” Godwin says.

Godwin has no shred of doubt that the firing was pre-planned. “It looked as if the police were singling out those who were vocal, those who led the protests, and shot them above the abdomen,” he says.

“There was of course indiscriminate shooting, too, and many of us were hurt in the legs. But there were several rounds of fire, and we could see they were picking the targets at times. Thamizharasan, for example, was very active in the protest for quite some time. He has been shot dead. When you target the organisers and kill them, it is evident you want to kill the protest,” Godwin says.

Henry Tiphagne, executive director of People’s Watch, couldn’t agree more. “It was certainly planned and intended at quelling the protests,” he says.

On May 20, the district administration had called for a peace committee meeting in which over 20 organisations including traders’ associations and fishermen associations had participated. At this meeting, warnings were given against participating in the rally.

“We were advised against the protest rally in the meeting. The administration warned us against taking out a rally, since there were chances that it could turn violent. All of us agreed to hold a call-attention protest on a playground that was earmarked for us, and signed an agreement to that effect,” says S Raja of Tamil Nadu Vanigar Sangam (Traders Association). But the agreement did not go down well with many other protestors.


THIS DAY SHOULD BE WRITTEN IN BLACK LETTERS IN THE HISTORY OF MANKIND AND IS A TESTIMONY OF FASCISM THAT EXISTS TODAY.ANGER SHOULD SIMMER ALL OVER THE COUNTRY LIKE A HUGE BOILING POT BURSTING OR A BIG BUILDING SET ON FIRE.


                 THE MURDEROUS NEXUS BJP- VEDANTA

North Korea's vice-foreign minister Choe Son Hui Statement on US / NK relations



Below is the full report carried by the North's official Korean Central News Agency.

At an interview with Fox News on May 21, US Vice-President Pence made unbridled and impudent remarks that North Korea might end like Libya, military option for North Korea never came off the table, the US needs complete, verifiable and irreversible denuclearisation, and so on.

As a person involved in the US affairs, I cannot suppress my surprise at such ignorant and stupid remarks gushing out from the mouth of the US vice-president.

If he is vice-president of "single superpower" as is in name, it will be proper for him to know even a little bit about the current state of global affairs and to sense to a certain degree the trends in dialogue and the climate of détente.

We could surmise more than enough what a political dummy he is as he is trying to compare the DPRK, a nuclear weapon state, to Libya that had simply installed a few items of equipment and fiddled around with them.

Soon after the White House National Security Adviser Bolton made the reckless remarks, Vice-President Pence has again spat out nonsense that the DPRK would follow in Libya's footstep.

It is to be underlined, however, that in order not to follow in Libya's footstep, we paid a heavy price to build up our powerful and reliable strength that can defend ourselves and safeguard peace and security in the Korean peninsula and the region.

In view of the remarks of the US high-ranking politicians who have not yet woken up to this stark reality and compare the DPRK to Libya that met a tragic fate, I come to think that they know too little about us.

To borrow their words, we can also make the US taste an appalling tragedy it has neither experienced nor even imagined up to now.

Before making such reckless threatening remarks without knowing exactly who he is facing, Pence should have seriously considered the terrible consequences of his words.

It is the US who has asked for dialogue, but now it is misleading the public opinion as if we have invited them to sit with us.

I only wonder what is the ulterior motive behind its move and what is it the US has calculated to gain from that.

We will neither beg the US for dialogue nor take the trouble to persuade them if they do not want to sit together with us.

Whether the US will meet us at a meeting room or encounter us at nuclear-to-nuclear showdown is entirely dependent upon the decision and behavior of the United States.

In case the US offends against our goodwill and clings to unlawful and outrageous acts, I will put forward a suggestion to our supreme leadership for reconsidering the DPRK-US summit.

Wednesday, May 23, 2018

Trump Endorses Moon Jae In Peace Efforts - A good sign amongst negativity about North Korea US Summit




The CPI (Maoist) has given a call for bandh (shutdown) in six states on May 25 in protest against the recent “encounters” at Gadchiroli in Maharashtra





RAIPUR: The outlawed CPI (Maoist) has given a call for bandh (shutdown) in six states on May 25 in protest against the recent “encounters” at Gadchiroli in Maharashtra where over 40 naxalites were killed in April this year.

This is the first time the rebels have also given a call for shutdown in Madhya Pradesh.

The other five states include Chhattisgarh, Andhra Pradesh, Odisha, Maharashtra and Telangana.

The band call is intended to offer tribute to their comrades killed near villages of Boriya, Kasnasur and Nainar in Gadchiroli  the fake encounters  .

The north Bastar Division Committee and north sub zonal bureau   of CPI (Maoist) have given a call for bandh. They have nailed posters and banners at various places seeking the support of masses in support of the bandh call.

Last Sunday the Maoists had killed 7 Chhattisgarh policemen triggering a powerful improvised explosive device (IED) blast at Dantewada. 

In recent weeks they had set ablaze several heavy vehicles including JCB loaders engaged in the road construction works in different districts in south Chhattisgarh.


North Korea : Reporters off to Punggye-ri : They're expected to arrive at the Punggye-ri nuclear test site at around noon on Thursday.



Dismantling of Test Site will occur weather permitting.

Jerusalem the Capital of Palestine : New Zain Ramadan 2018 Commercial - سيدي الرئيس



For all our Islamic Brothers and Sisters 

Transformative Links : Skripal's and Christopher Steel ? Dirty Dossier and CIA ? Motives for Murder ?



Democracy and Class Struggle says things cannot be understood in isolation but in their relation to other things.

In fact things are transformed by the relationship to other things.

Skripals links to Christopher Steele is transformative.

SEE ALSO:

https://www.craigmurray.org.uk/archives/2018/04/probable-western-responsibility-for-skripal-poisoning/


https://www.craigmurray.org.uk/archives/2018/04/where-they-tell-you-not-to-look/

Tuesday, May 22, 2018

Anand Teltumbde : The unusual annihilator of caste


The year was 1967. In the town of Wani in Maharashtra’s Yavatmal district, Anand Teltumbde, then 14, thought up a small rebellion against what he now calls “the hegemony of the RSS (Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh)”. The class IX student, born to parents who were Dalit farm labourers, objected to some “Brahmin” students wearing black caps, usually worn by RSS members, instead of the white Nehru caps that were part of the school uniform. Along with some classmates, he formulated a plan to counter the “RSS boys”. 

 With money he had earned painting cinema hoardings, Teltumbde bought 100 blue caps and distributed them among students. The sports teacher, whom Teltumbde recalls was a Dalit, “created a fracas” when he spotted so many boys wearing blue caps. When Teltumbde was taken to the headmaster, a Muslim, he told him that the students had “resolved to wear the blue caps till he ensured that every student complied with the school uniform”. “He agreed, but pointed out that the boys wearing black caps were from rich and powerful families, and he would have to talk to their parents,” Teltumbde recalls. “Whatever he did, the practice of RSS boys wearing black caps stopped.” Did he know then that blue was the colour of Dalit resistance? “I didn’t know much except that blue was the colour of Dalits,” he adds.
Five decades later, Teltumbde is recounting this story to students, PhD scholars and faculty members at the Tata Institute of Social Sciences (Tiss), Mumbai. “Was it a struggle or a movement? Whatever it was, it did have a specific strategic goal and we achieved it,” he says. Teltumbde also mentions this episode early on in his latest book, Republic Of Caste: Thinking Equality In The Time of Neoliberal Hindutva, which is dedicated to his “unlettered mother Anusaya who epitomized the value of struggle”.
One of the best interpreters of B.R. Ambedkar’s writings and politics
One of the best interpreters of B.R. Ambedkar’s writings and politics
After a panel discussion at Tiss, we move to one of the open-air theatres on the campus, where Teltumbde opens up on his life, which began in a small village called Rajur in Yavatmal district. “I have no particular memory of being discriminated against or an emotional trigger that I can say made me what I am. But I do remember some students (in Wani, where he enrolled after class VII), who were from better-off families, were dismissive of those like us who came from the villages. I was meritorious from the beginning and that gave me confidence early on,” he says. Teltumbde has a degree in engineering from Nagpur’s Visvesvaraya National Institute of Technology and a management degree from the Indian Institute of Management, Ahmedabad. He also has a doctorate in cybernetics from Mumbai University. It is no coincidence that he has often argued that reservation for Dalits has, in fact, stigmatized them and consecrated caste in India’s polity.
There was this folklore around (B.R.) Ambedkar that we had to become like him, a ready role model. But I imbibed Marx much earlier than Ambedkar.- Anand Teltumbde
“There was this folklore around (B.R.) Ambedkar that we had to become like him, a ready role model. But I imbibed Marx much earlier than Ambedkar,” he says, referring to a biography of Stalin he won as a prize in a school competition in class VII. It was during his pre-university days at Nagpur University’s Institute of Science that Teltumbde first read Ambedkar in the library—life was never the same again. “In Rajur or Wani, there was nothing to read on Ambedkar,” he says.
Like Ambedkar, Teltumbde has been treading diverse trajectories. To the Dalit and civil rights movements, he is an academic-activist, theoretician, commentator—he writes the longest-running column in the Economic & Political Weekly—and the general secretary of the committee for protection of democratic rights (CPDR). Between Jagatikikaran Ani Dalit-Shoshit(Globalization And The Dalits), his first book in Marathi written in 1994, and Republic Of Caste, in 2018, Teltumbde has written 20 other volumes, 11 monographs, and more than 500 articles. Almost all his books have been translated into five-seven Indian languages. Currently, he teaches Big Data analytics at the Goa Institute of Management.
In Republic Of Caste, Teltumbde cites a question a student at the Indian Institute of Technology, Kharagpur, recently asked him. How and why did he begin writing on caste, class, and communalism? Teltumbde concedes his activism has always been at odds with what he did for a living. “But truth be told, I have enjoyed being at once in the belly of the beast and fighting it, sitting in the boardrooms of companies and also holding aloft red flags,” he writes. Although he locates himself ideologically in the larger Marxist-leftist school, he points out he is not a rhetorical apparatchik. “I know business and I still talk left,” says the former CEO of Petronet India.
Republic Of Caste— Thinking Equality In The Time Of Neoliberal Hindutva: By Anand Teltumbde, Navayana, 432 pages, Rs695.
Republic Of Caste— Thinking Equality In The Time Of Neoliberal Hindutva: By Anand Teltumbde, Navayana, 432 pages, Rs695.
While Ambedkar’s Annihilation Of Caste, an undelivered 1936 speech, remains one of the most cogent indictments of the caste system, Teltumbde’s repertoire, including Republic Of Caste, establishes him as the cerebral annihilator of what he calls “the perfect design of the most exploitative and longest surviving man-made system in the world”. Ambedkar prescribed “dynamiting the dharmashastras (Hindu scriptures)” that he believed taught Hindus “the religion of caste”. In his writing and activism, Teltumbde has embraced the task.
Four clear themes emerge from Teltumbde’s academic repertoire: his persistent attack on caste; his critique of the Indian left and its failure to address “the dichotomy of class and caste”; the splintering and collapse of the Dalit movement post Ambedkar; and the ongoing project of neoliberal takeover of the Indian polity, the “saffronization of Ambedkar”.
Teltumbde’s critical eye spares none. Not even Ambedkar. He unsentimentally presents Ambedkar’s activism and politics as being guided by the “philosophy of pragmatism” and critically examines his lifelong refusal to let Dalits resort to retaliatory violence as a more effective weapon of resistance. In Republic Of Caste, the strategic activist in Teltumbde calls for “defensive violence” by Dalits to resist the perpetrators of atrocities. He also argued in his Mahad: The Making Of The First Dalit Revolt (2016) that if the Dalits, led by Ambedkar to the water tank in Mahad in Maharashtra on 20 March 1927 as part of the satyagraha for their civil rights, had responded with violence to the violence started by caste Hindus, the retaliation could have marked the beginning of the end of the caste system. “I differ with Ambedkar on many things,” Teltumbde says. Asked if this call to defensive violence could be misconstrued, Teltumbde quotes German philosopher Walter Benjamin. “I speak of violence in terms of Benjamin’s idea of divine violence. The importance of violence as a principle and strategy cannot be wished away.” This principle of defensive violence gets defined in a stirring sentence in Republic of Caste: “The wrath of the wretched scares the world.”
M.K. Gandhi also comes in for a savage but convincing condemnation for the “Harijanization of Dalits and the religio-spiritual humbug on caste”. Teltumbde makes an eloquent link between Gandhi’s “visual rhetoric and patronization of Dalits” through his stay among the sweepers in Delhi in 1946, Rahul Gandhi’s “Dalitophilia” of visiting Dalit ghettos, and Narendra Modi’s “paternalistic” launch of the cleanliness drive from Valmiki Nagar in Delhi, “reinforcing the association between the balmikis and manual scavenging”. Ironically, as it indulges in an “insulting appropriation of Ambedkar”, the Sangh Parivar, which has protested the apotheosis of Gandhi, is itself replacing the “uncompromising thinker in Ambedkar with a deified object of rituals, a saffron Ambedkar”, Teltumbde writes.
He adds that the vision of Hindu rashtra is a scary reality for India. “When I say Hindu rashtra, it is not mere rhetoric. The Modi government is giving a prototype of what Hindu rashtra means. Tomorrow, if they have the numbers, they may tinker with the Constitution. By that, I don’t mean they will take away the reservations—no one will even think of doing that—but they may tinker with the Constitution to make some structural changes in the polity,” he says.
Despite such an impressive body of work and contribution to the cause of annihilation of caste, Teltumbde has, on several occasions, had to face the ire of people one could term his comrades. “Many people ask me to write an intellectual biography of Ambedkar. I know what I am going to write and I’m afraid of writing it because even Dalits today are not ready for a critical evaluation of Ambedkar,” says one of India’s best interpreters of Ambedkar.
****************
Five must-read books on caste
Annihilation Of Caste, by B.R. Ambedkar: A scathing indictment of the caste system, published as an annotated critical edition by Navayana in 2014.
Castes In India: Their Mechanism, Genesis, And Development, by B.R. Ambedkar: Initially a paper read by him at an anthropology seminar in New York in May 1916, it was published in 1979 by the Maharashtra government as part of a collection of his writings.
The Persistence Of Caste: The Khairlanji Murders & India’s Hidden Apartheid, by Anand Teltumbde: An investigation into the nature of caste and caste-related divisions in Hindu society in the context of the lynching of four members of a Dalit family in Khairlanji in September 2006.
Ambedkar’s World: The Making Of Babasaheb And The Dalit Movement, by Eleanor Zelliot: An enquiry into the Mahar movement in Maharashtra and the social and political forces that shaped Ambedkar and his activism.
Religion, Caste And Politics in India, by Christophe Jaffrelot: A study of India’s trajectory along religious and caste lines and their influence on politics and democracy.

Can the Left and Dalits in India Unite Against Hindutva?




Down with Brahminical Communism for Marxism Leninism Maoism

Class, Caste and Nationalism by Anand Teltumbde





Democracy and Class Struggle has learnt a lot about Caste from Anand Teltumbde and continues to do so.

Caste has cost India its revolution.

Annihilation of Caste is the process of the Indian Revolution

South Korean- US Summit



What are the United States Concessions for North Korea  ? No Concessions No Meeting !

North Korea demands Repatriation of Abducted Women Citizens



Action on this question would be in line with the Panmunjom Declaration

North Korea: 'pressure of Trump has nothing to do with US-DPRK dialogue'

And You Thought Fox News Couldn't Get Any Worse - then it got Hegseth..



Murderous Zionist Ideology and Hegseth its propagandist 

Maduro Wins the Presidency in Venezuela - What Will the US Do Next?

Freedom Flotilla Sets Sail for Gaza after The Great March of Return 1



Red salute to the Freedom Flotilla

Zionism is not strong it is weak that is why it reverts to killing like the recent Gaza Massacre - push hard and it will collapse.

Does Iron Fist Imperialism Benefit US Workers?

India: Maoist Fight Back : Seven policemen were killed by Maoists on Sunday : Gadchiroli Massacre Avenged ?





Bhopal: Seven policemen were killed when the Maoists on Sunday blew up a vehicle, carrying the security personnel, by triggering a powerful improvised explosive device (IED) blast, near Cholnar in Chhattisgarh’s south Bastar district of Dantewada.

The attack took place on a day when Union home minister Rajanth Singh was scheduled to arrive in the state.

The land mine blast took place around 11.40 am when a joint team of the Chhattisgarh Armed Force (CAF) and the District Force (DF) was patrolling the Cholnar-Kirandul road to provide security to trucks carrying construction material for road works between Kirandul and Palnar villages, a senior police official said.

The blast created a 10-feet crater on the road and tossed the police vehicle into the air.
“Five jawans died on the spot,” said deputy inspector general (DIG), state intelligence bureau (SIB), P. Sunderraj.The other two jawans died during treatment.

The slain security personnel included four jawans of the CAF and three personnel from the DF.
The Maoists took away the slain jawans’ weapons — 2 INSAS rifles, 2 AK 47s and 2 SLRs — after the blast.


Monday, May 21, 2018

The Zionist-Nazi Collaboration by William James Martin


Democracy and Class Struggle says the British Labour Party is trying to redefine anti semitism to include criticism of Israel and its treatment of Palestinians and Ken Livingstone has left the Labour Party because he says it is being destroyed from within with the help of Zionists. 

Ken Livingstone was familiar with the work of Lenni Brenner who we quote in article below and he refused to have historical amnesia a new requirement of Labour Party membership.

The historical amnesia exhibited by some of  Labour friends of Israel forces in the British Labour Party is staggering and we will published a series of articles covering Jewish Opposition to Zionism and its Nazis collaboration in the 1930's including in the UK a few years ago.

The first article below by William James Martins covers United States Jewish opposition to Zionism and Nazism.


Both Nazism and Zionism arose in tandem from small insignificant social movements in the early part of the 20th century, arguing, with equal force, that Jews were an alien and indigestible mass living in the midst of an otherwise pure Aryan population. Both movements contributed to the more general acceptance of this argument in Europe, and particularly in Germany, as mid-century approached, and both have to be responsible for the consequences.

In 1896, journalist Theodore Herzl’s book, Der Judenstaat (The Jews’ State), Herzl expressed his understanding of inevitability, permanence, and omnipresence of anti-Semitism and argued that the only solution was a separate state for Jews.  Herzl stated, in his book:

The Jewish question exists wherever Jews live in perceptable numbers. Where it does not exist, it is carried by Jews in the course of their migrations. We naturally move to those places where we are not persecuted, and there our presence produces persecution. …1

In 1912, Chaim Weizman, Israel’s first president, and the Zionist advocate who had the most to do with lobbying the British for the Balfour Declaration of 1917, echoed this view, speaking to a Berlin audience:

… each country can absorb only a limited number of Jews, if she doesn’t want disorder in her stomach. Germany already has too many Jews.2

Reflecting in 1949 in his autobiography, Trial and Error, Weizmann wrote:

Whenever the quantity of Jews in any country reaches the saturation point, that country reacts against them …

Weizmann, the chemist, invoking a metaphor from the sciences, added:

… the determining factor in this matter is not the is solubility of Jews, but the solvent power of the country. … This cannot be looked upon as anti-Semitism in the ordinary or vulger sense of that word; it is a universal social and economic concomitant of Jewish immigration, and we cannot shake it off …3

Ben Frommer, an American Revisionist, stated in 1935:

No matter what country he inhabits … [it] is not of the [his] tribal origins. … Consequently, the Jew’s attempt at complete identity with his country sounds spurious; his patriotism despite his vociferousness [sounds] hollow even to himself; and therefore his demand for complete equality with those who are of the essence of the nation naturally creates friction. This explains the intolerance of the Germans, Austrians, Poles and the increasing tide of antagonism in most European countries … It is presumptuous on the part of a Jew to demand that he be treated as lovingly as say a Teuton in a Teutonic country or a Pole in a Polish country. He must jealously guard his life and liberty, but he must candidly recognize that he does not ‘belong‘. The liberal fiction of perfect equality is doomed because is was unnatural. [Italics mine]4

Indeed, in 1925, Jacob Klatzkin, the co-editor of the massive Encyclopedia Judaica, wrote:

If our people is deserving and willing to live its own national life, then it is an alien body that insists on its own distinctive identity, reducing the domain of their life. It is right therefore, that they should fight against us for their national integrity … Instead of establishing societies for defense against the anti-Semites, who want to reduce our rights, we should establish societies for defense against our friends who desire to defend our rights.5

The understanding of Herzl, as well as the Zionists, about the inevitability of anti-Semitism was possibly self-fulfilling, for rather than opposing anti-Semitism in the first half of the 20th century, the Zionists found common cause with Hitler, Eichmann, and the Nazis and used anti-Semitism and Nazism as a means of achieving their end which was the establishment of a Jewish state. The two reactionary movements shared the view that German Jews were living in that country as a ‘foreign race’ and that the racial divide was essential to maintain.

The Zionists’ use of Nazism involved, among other things, the blocking of avenues of escape to other countries of Europe’s Jews and diverting them to Palestine, even as the death trains began to roll in Europe. The rise of Nazism and Hitler to power was never, or almost never, opposed by the Zionists prior to the establishment of Israel.

Thus, in an article by Siegfried Moses, which appeared in the Rundschau, the official newspaper of the German Zionist Federation, and later, its head, stated:

… it is true that the defense against anti-Semitism is not our main task, it does not concern us to the same extent and is not of the same importance for us as is the work for Palestine …6

In 1934, Stephen Wise, head of the American Jewish Congress said:

… I cannot be indifferent to the Galuth [the Jewish diaspora living outside of Palestine] … if I had to choose between Eretz Israel and its upbuilding and the defense of the Galuth, I would say that then the Galuth must perish.7

On October 2, 1937, two SS officers, Herbert Hagen and Adolf Eichmann, disembarked in Haifa and were met by the Gestapo’s agent in Palestine, Fritz Reichert, and later in the day, Fevel Polkes, a Haganah agent, who showed the Nazi officials Haifa from Mt Carmel and then visited a kibbutz. Some years later, when Eichmann was hiding in Argentina, he taped a story of his excursion to Palestine, stating:

I did see enough to be very impressed with the way the Jewish colonists were building up their land. … In the years that followed I often said to Jews with whom I had dealings that had I been a Jew, I would have been a fanatical Zionist.8

Eichmann had read Herzl’s book, Der Judenstaat, and also studied Hebrew.  In their trip report, the two SS officers paraphrased Polkes’s message to them:

The Zionist state must be established by all means and as soon as possible. … When the Jewish state is established according to the current proposals laid down in the Peel paper, and in line with England’s partial promises, then the borders may be pushed further outwards according to one wished.9

… in Jewish nationalist circles people were very pleased with the radical German policy, since the strength of the Jewish population in Palestine would be so far increased thereby that in the foreseeable future the Jews could reckon upon numerical superiority over the Arabs in Palestine.10

During his February trip to Berlin, Polkes proposed that the Haganah act as spies for the Nazi government and, as a sign of good faith, passed on intelligence information which was detrimental to their mutual enemies, the Communists.  

History might have been very different had the Zionist component of Jewry opposed Nazism; there might never have been a Holocaust. And there might never have been a state of Israel, as some Zionists well understood.

Lenni Brenner puts it:

… of all of the active Jewish opponents of the boycott idea [of Nazi Germany], the most important was the world Zionists Organization (WZO).

It not only bought German wares; it sold them, and even sought out new customers for Hitler and his industrialist backers.

The WZO saw Hitler’s victory in much the same way as its German affiliate, the ZVfD [the German Zionist Organization]: not primarily as a defeat for all Jewry, but as positive proof of the bankruptcy of assimilation and liberalism.11

Here Brenner is referring to the so-called Ha’avara agreement, or ‘transfer agreement’.

In 1933, Sam Cohen, owner of a citrus export company in Tel Aviv, approached the German government with the proposal that emigrants from Germany could avoid the flight tax by instead purchasing German products, which would then be shipped to Palestine, along with their purchasers, where the new arrivals in Palestine could then redeem their investments after the sale of the products by import merchants.

Heinrich Wolff, the German Consul in Jerusalem, quickly realized the utility of such an arrangement in tamping the international boycott effort of German import goods. He wrote to Berlin:

Whereas in April and May the Yishuv [the European Jewish community in Palestine] was waiting boycott instructions from the United States, it now seems that the situation has been transformed. It is Palestine which now gives the instructions… It is important to break the boycott first and foremost in Palestine, and the effect will inevitably be felt on the main front, in the United States.12

Cohen had promised Heinrich Wolff that he would work behind the scenes at the forthcoming Jewish conference in London to weaken or defeat any boycott resolution.

Dr Fritz Reichert, the Gestapo’s agent in Palestine, later wrote to his headquarters:


                               The Mass Boycott of Nazis Goods undermined by Zionists


The London Boycott Conference was torpedoed from Tel Aviv because the head of the Transfer in Palestine, in close contact with the consulate in Jerusalem, sent cables to London.

Our main function here is to prevent, from Palestine, the unification of world Jewry on a basis hostile to Germany … It is advisable to damage the political and economic strength of Jewry by sowing dissention in its ranks.12

Negotiations with the Nazi government were taken over by the World Zionist Organization and Cohen was replaced by Chaim Arlosoroff, the Political Secretary of the Jewish Agency.

 Arlosoroff traveled to Berlin in May of 1933. He and the Nazis reached a preliminary understanding to continue Cohen’s arrangement. Arlosoroff returned to Tel Aviv where he was assassinated, most probably by some members of the Revisionist wing of Zionism headed by Jabotinsky who opposed any accommodation with the Nazis.

Negotiations continued, however, and an agreement was signed in 1933 between the Nazis and the World Zionist Organization which persisted until 1939 and the German invasion of Poland.

The Ha’arava grew to become a substantial banking and trading house with 137 specialists in its Jerusalem office at the height of its activities.

The sale of German products expanded to include destinations outside of Palestine, but the arrangement remained essentially the same as the one originally negotiated by Sam Cohen – that German Jews wishing to emigrate, rather giving up most or all of their wealth to the German government, could invest their money in a German bank which would be used for purchasing German export goods.

The purchaser could then redeem his investment when the goods had been sold and after he had arrived in Palestine. The German government set the rules and the emigrant would lose typically in excess of 30% of his investment and, eventually, 50%.

Indeed, there was a fundamental incompatibility with the upbuilding of a Jewish state in Palestine and opposition to the Nazi program of extermination of Europe’s Jews. The Ha’avara agreement allowed the transfer of LP 8,100,000 (Palestinian Pounds; then $40,419,000) to Palestine along with 60,000 German Jews between 1933 and 1939.

But it also had the effect of undercutting the international boycott effort and providing an inflow of capital to the German government owing to the sale of German manufactured goods abroad.

This understanding is important, as the Holocaust has been central in provoking sympathy for the State of Israel and in amplifying the claims for reparations from European governments. Sympathy for the victims of the Holocaust, whether Jews or Roma, is no less justified, but the state of Israel cannot maintain an air of complete innocence nor be the justified recipient of billions of dollars or reparations, very little of which is actually dispersed to Holocaust survivors.

Nor has Israel accepted the universal principle that states must pay reparations to ethnicities whom it has harmed, as Israel has ignored or denied the catastrophe of ethnic cleansing and massacres which it prosecuted against the Palestinian people in 1948.

The model of Jews fleeing a burning building; i.e., the Nazi Holocaust, and thus creating a redoubt of safety in the form of the state of Israel cannot be maintained. Aside from the fact that the Zionist project was initiated at least by the time of Herzl’s Der Judenstaat of 1896 and his founding of the World Zionist Congress a year later, and well before the Nazi ascension to power in the 1930s, the Zionists were little concerned with the slaughter of Jews in Europe and almost exclusively focused on building a state in Palestine.

A proposal by the British, in the aftermath of Kristallnacht, of November 1938, that Britain admit a thousand children directly into Britain was sternly opposed by Ben Gurion who told a meeting of the Labor Zionist in December:

If I knew that it would be possible to save all the children in Germany by bringing them over to England, and only half of them by transferring them to Eretz Israel, then I would opt for the second alternative. For we must weigh not only the life of these children, but also the history of the People of Israel.13

By 1943, ample reports of massacres of Europe’s Jews were arriving in the US, though it garnered little of the mainstream press.

At this time, Peter Bergson, a Palestinian Jew and member of the Irgun, a militant offspring of the Revisionist Zionists, and his young colleagues, shifted their attention to saving Europe’s Jews. Bergson, who had been sent to New York City, by Revisionists leader, Jaobtinsky, in order to create American support of the establishment of a Jewish army in Palestine, and his colleagues formed the Emergency Committee to Save Europe’s Jews and initiated it with a conference attended by 1500 delegates including former President Herbert Hoover and New York Mayor Fiorello La Guardia.

The delegates ultimately adopted an eight-point rescue program, the primary feature of which was the creation of a US government agency charged with saving Europe’s Jews. They also called for their allies to immediately attack the concentration camps and bomb railroads lines leading to them.

The conference’s program sought to avoid the issue of a Jewish state in Palestine, preferring to leave that to another day. Indeed, the efforts of Bergson were perceived by the American Jewish organizations, and especially by Rabbi Stephen Wise, head of the American Jewish Conference, as an effort to divert energy and attention away from Zionism and the upbuilding of a Jewish state in Palestine.

Bergson’s group sponsored full page advertisements in the New York Times and other newspapers with such bold headlines as, “HELP Prevent 4,000,000 People from Becoming Ghosts.” Another read, “THIS IS STRICTLY A RACE AGAINST DEATH.”

The Emergency Committee also organized public events and rallies and a march by 450 Orthodox rabbis to the White House and the US Capitol. They also staged a theatrical production, entitled, We Will Never Die, authored by Academy Award winning screen writer Ben Hecht and included actors such as Edward G. Robinson with music written by Bertoldt Brecht. 

The play chronicled the contributions of Jews and addressed the current situation of Europe’s Jews.

The production played to 40,000 in Madison Square Garden and, in Washington, was viewed by Eleanor Roosevelt and hundreds of members of Congress.

Though the Emergency Committee had raised the consciousness of Americans for the plight of Europe’s Jews, their efforts were strongly opposed by America’s organized Jewish groups including Rabbi Stephen Wise and his American Jewish Congress.

In Buffalo, Baltimore, and Pittsburgh, local mainstream Jewish organizations attempted to block the production of We Will Never Die.

Most significant of the Emergency Committees’ actions was to provoke the sponsorship of a resolution, introduced in the House by Baldwin and Will Rogers Jr., and in the Senate by Guy Gillette, on November 9, 1943.

The full text follows:

Whereas the Congress of the United States, by concurrent resolution adopted on March 15 of this year, expressed its condemnation of Nazi Germany’s ‘mass murder of Jewish men, women, and children,’ a mass crime which has already exterminated close to two million human beings, about 30 per centum of the total Jewish population of Europe, and which is growing in intensity as Germany approaches defeat; and

Whereas the American tradition of justice and humanity dictates that all possible means be employed to save from this fate the surviving Jews of Europe, some four million souls who have been rendered homeless and destitute by the Nazis: therefore be it

Resolved, That the House of Representatives recommends and urges the creation by the President of a commission of diplomatic, economic, and military experts to formulate and effectuate a plan of immediate action designed to save the surviving Jewish people of Europe from extinction at the hands of Nazi Germany.

Senator Gillette emphasized that the bill focused only on rescue and not on the issue of Palestine or a Jewish state.

It is not to be confused with the dispute over the future of Palestine, over a Jewish state or a Jewish army. The issue is non-sectarian.

The sole object here is to rescue as many as possible of Hitler’s victims, pending complete Allied victory.

Stephen Wise tried unsuccessfully to persuade the sponsors of the bill to withdraw their support. But failing that, Wise traveled to Washington and testified before the House Foreign Affairs Committee, chaired by Sol Bloom, stating that the resolution was ‘“inadequate” because it did not urge the British government to open Palestine to Jewish refugees” [italics mine].14

The lack of a reference to Palestine was, of course, intentionally absent from the bill.

Congressman Rogers also faced strong pressure from Zionists groups:

When it became known that I was becoming a member of the Bergson group, there was a terrific amount of pressure from all sorts of areas. I went back to Beverly Hills and I remember meeting with Rabbi Stephen S Wise in a synagogue. … He took me aside and said, ‘Now, young man. I knew your father very well. Now you are getting confused, you are getting mixed up with the wrong type of people. Let me tell you and steer you clear when it comes on, or want to meet the right people, the responsible people.’ He was quite the diplomat. He didn’t say, ‘If you get mixed up with them, you are not going to be reelected.’ He wasn’t that direct, but he made every pressure that he could, and where he know it would be effective.15

Gillette also faced strong opposition.

These people used every effort, every means at their disposal, to block the resolution. … [They] tried to defeat it by offering and amendment, insisting on an amendment to it that would raise the question, the controversial question of Zionism or anti-Zionism … or anything that might stop or block the action that we were seeking.15

On stationary with the letterhead of the American Jewish Congress, Stephen Wise wrote to Secretary of the Interior, Harold L. Ickles on December 23, 1943:

I was very sorry to note, as were others among your friends, that you had accepted the Chairmanship of the Washington Division of the Committee to Rescue European Jews. … I do not like to speak ill of you, not of us, concerning a group of Jews, but I am under the inexorable necessity of saying to you that the time will come, and come soon, when you will find it necessary to withdraw from this irresponsible group, which exists and obtains funds through being permitted to use the names of non-Jews like yourself.

Nor was Bergson beyond the crosshairs of the American Zionists. Bergson received an offer from Congressman Samuel Dickstein (D-NY) to meet with him in his DC office where it turned out that several other US Congressmen had also assembled. He was told, as paraphrased by Bergson, that unless he ‘behaved”, “we will deport you. … One shouldn’t mistake democracy with lawlessness, and don’t feel that you can just come to this country without – on temporary visitor’s visa and do whatever you wish …”15

Despite the opposition of the American Zionist community, the bill passed the Senate Foreign Relations Committee unanimously only to die in the entire Senate.

According to a State Department memorandum, Rabbi Stephen Wise had expressed to State Department John Pehle, that Wise “had gone so far as to inform Mr Pehle that he regarded Bergson as equally great an enemy of the Jews as Hitler, for reasons that his activities could only lead to increased anti-Semitism.”11

Reports of atrocities and mass murders in the Ukraine began arriving in the west in 1941. In January 1942, the Soviets issued a report of the working of the Einsatzgruppen, or the SS, and in May of that year, the Bund, the Jewish Workers Union of Poland and Russia, which was anti-Zionist, sent London a radio message that 700,000 people, most Jews, were exterminated in Poland. This message was repeated on the BBC two months later.

In April, even before the Bund broadcast, Moshe Shertok, later to become Israel’s second Prime Minister, wrote to British General and commander of the British Eight Army in North Africa:

The destruction of the Jewish race is a fundamental tenet of the Nazi doctrine. The authoritative reports recently published show that that policy is being carried out with a ruthlessness which defies description … An even swifter destruction, it must be feared, would overtake the Jews of Palestine.16

The focus here is on the hypothetical Nazi attack on Palestine, not on the slaughter actually taking place in Europe, but based, nonetheless, on Shertok’s understanding that such a slaughter was, in fact, taking place.

Despite the amply sufficient reports of massacres and exterminations, essentially nothing at all was done by the Zionist organizations, and reports of atrocities were consistently minimized.

Dov Joseph, acting director of the Jewish Agency’s Political Department cautioned:

… against publishing data exaggerating the number of Jewish victim, for if we announce that millions of Jews have been slaughtered by the Nazis, we will justifiably be asked where the millions of Jews are, for whom we claim that we shall need to provide a home in Eretz Israel after the war ends.17

Yitzhak Gruenbaum, leader of the Jewish Agency’s Vaad Hazalah (Rescue Committee) who, in 1942 also believed the reports of atrocities taking place in Europe were exaggerated, offers a defense in his post war book, Bi-mei Hurban ve Sho’ah (In the Days of Holocaust and Destruction):

I want to destroy this assumption [that the Zionist leadership was to blame that it did not do everything possible to help the European Jews] in order to take out people from the occupied countries … it would be necessary for the neutral countries to provide refuge, that the warring nations open their gates to the refugees. …

How is it possible that in a meeting in Yerushalayim people will call: “If you don’t have enough money you should take it from Keren Hayesod [the Palestine Foundation Fund], you should take the money from the bank, there is money there.” I thought it obligatory to stand before this wave … .

And this time in Eretz Yisrael, there are comments: “Don’t put Eretz Yisrael in priority in this difficult time, in the time of destruction and European Jewry.’ I do not accept such sayings. And when some asked me: ‘Can’t you give money from the Keren Hayesod to save Jews in the Diaspora’? I said: no! And again I say no! … I think we have to stand before this wave that is putting Zionist activity into second row. …  I think it necessary to say here Zionism is over everything… [Italics mine]

… [W]e must guard Zionism. There are those who feel that this should not be said at the time a Holocaust is occurring, but believe me, lately we see worrisome manifestations in this respect: Zionism is above all – it is necessary to sound this whenever a Holocaust diverts us from our war of liberation in Zionism. Our war of liberation does not arise from the fact of the Holocaust in a straight guard – especially in these times – the supremacy of the war of redemption [Italics mine].18

The irony is overwhelming. Though the memory and imagery of the Holocaust is not far from the lips of every Israel leader, particularly the present one, and though this imagery is exploited for the sake of gaining tolerance and forbearance from the international community, as well as reparations which go well beyond actuarial merits, there was little serious concern on the part of organized Zionism for those facing extermination in Europe.

Rather the Holocaust was regarded as a threat which had the potential of diverting energy and resources from the creation of a Jewish state in Palestine which was by far their highest priority.

The fact that the initiation of the Zionist project had nothing to do with the Holocaust, as it developed more than a half century earlier, and the fact of the mostly indifference to the slaughter of Jews on the part of the founders of Israel, together with its collaboration with the Nazi Party, undermines Israel’s projected, and exploited, image as innocent victim.

At the end of the war a document, dated 11 January 1941, produced by Avraham Stern, proposing a military alliance and an understanding between the Third Reich and the Zionists was found in the German embassy in Ankara.

 It had been presented to two German diplomats in Lebanon, under Vichy at that time.

The document was entitled, “Proposal for the National Military Organization (Irgun Zvai Leumi) Concerning the Solution of the Jewish Question in Europe and the Participation of the NMO in the War on the side of Germany.”

The NMO, later to adopt the name Lohamamei Herut Yisrael, or lehi for short, was universally known by its British designation as the Stern Gang.

The document read:

The evacuation of the Jewish masses from Europe is a precondition for solving the Jewish question; but this can only be made possible and complete through the settlement of these masses in the home of the Jewish people, Palestine, and through the establishment of a Jewish state in its historical boundaries …  The NMO, which is well acquainted with the goodwill of the German Reich government and its authorities towards Zionist activity inside Germany and towards Zionist emigration plans, is of the opinion that:

1. Common interests could exist between the establishment of a New Order in Europe in conformity with the German concept, and the true national aspirations of the Jewish people as they are embodied by the NMO.

2. Cooperation between the new Germany and a renewed volkish-national Hebrium would be possible; and,

3. The establishment of the historical Jewish state on a national and totalitarian basis, and bound by a treaty with the German Reich, would be in the interest of a maintained and strengthened future German position of power in the Near East.

Proceeding from these considerations, the NMO in Palestine, under the condition the above-mentioned national aspirations of the Israeli freedom movement, are recognized on the side of the German Reich, offers to actively take part in the war on Germany’s side [italics mine].

This offer by the NMO … would be connected to the military training and organization of Jewish manpower in Europe, under the leadership and command of the NMO. These military units would take part in the fight to conquer Palestine, should such a front be decided upon.

The indirect participation of the Israeli freedom movement in the New Order in Europe, already in the preparatory stage, would be linked with a positive-radical solution of the European Jewish problem in conformity with the above-mentioned national aspirations of the Jewish people. This would extraordinarily strengthen the moral basis of the New Order in the eyes of all humanity.19

The Irgun, (the MNO) under Manachem Begin, and the Stern Gang, are sometime blamed, by mainstream Zionism, as being uniquely responsible for the more grotesque atrocities of Israel’s fight against both the Arabs and against the British in its quest for statehood; for example, the bombing of the King David Hotel in 1946, in which 96 mostly civilians were killed, and the massacre at Deir Yassin. In fact, both of these actions involved the coordination of these ‘dissident groups’ with the Haganah — the military under the direction of David Ben Gurion.

Yitzhak Yzernitsky — later to call himself Yitzhak Shamir, and later to become Israeli Prime Minister, in fact, the longest serving Prime Minister of Israel except for David Ben Gurion — became the operations commander of the Stern Gang after Avraham Stern was killed by the British army in February of 1942.

Under Shamir’s leadership, 14 assassinations were attempted of British officials with two successful ones, of Lord Moyne, the British Minister Resident in the Middle East, sitting in Cairo, and the UN Representative to Palestine, Count Folke Bernadotte, who received three bullets in the heart on the order of Stern’s operations commander and future Prime Minister – Yitzhak Shamir.

The Charter of the Stern Gang, or more accurately, the principles promulgated by Stern, included the establishment of a Jewish state “from the Nile to the Euphrates”, the ‘transfer of the Palestinian Arabs to regions outside of the Jewish state, and the building of the Third Temple in Jerusalem.

It maintained offices outside of the Middle East – including Warsaw, Paris, London, and New York City, the latter headed by Benzion Netanyahu, the present Prime Minister’s father.

Auschwitz survivor

Hajo Meyer talks about Israeli occupation and apartheid.




Herzl,
Theodore, The Jewish State, p 9, 2007, BN Publishing [?]
Weizmann [?]
Weizmann, Chaim, Trial and Error, pv90-91 [?]
Frommer, Ben, The Significance of the Jewish State, Jewish Call, (Shanghai, 1935), p 10-11. [?]
Agus, Jacob, The Meaning of Jewish History, vol II, p 435. [?]
Edelheim-Muehsam, Margaret, Reactions of the Jewish Press to the Nazi Challenge, Leo Baeck Institute Year Book, vol V, (1960), p 312. [?]
Rabbi Wise, The New Palestine (14 February 1934), p 5-7. [?]
Eichmann, Adolf, “Eichmann Tells His Own Damning Story”, Life (28 Nov. 1960) p 22. [?]
Polkehn, Klaus, “The Secret Contacts: Zionism and Nazi Germany 1933-41”, Journal of Palestine Studies (Spring 1976), p 337. [?]
Hohne, Heinz, The Order of the Death’s Head, p 337. [?]
Brenner, Lenni, Zionism in the Age of Dictators, Lawrence Hill, (1983). [?] [?]
In Yisraeli, David, “The Third Reich and the Transfer Agreement,” Journal of Contemporary History, vol. VI (1971), P 131. [?] [?]
Gelber, Yoav, “Zionism and the Fate of European Jewry (1939-42),” Yad Vashem Studies, vol. XII, p 171. [?]
Brownfield, Peter Egill, “The Jewish Establishment’s Focus on Palestine: Did it Distract from Holocaust Efforts?” (Summer 2003). [?]
Ibid. Also, Brenner Lenni, Zionism in the Age of Dictators. [?] [?] [?]
Laqueur, “Jewish Denial and the Holocaust,” Commentary (December 1979, p 46. [?]
Gelber, Zionist Policy and the Fate of European Jewry, p 195. [?]
Gruenbaum, Yitzhak, Bi-Mei Hurban ve Sho’ah, p 62-70. [?]
Brenner, op. cit., p 267. [?]